By Godehard Link
The philosophical process of this quantity is principally structuralist, utilizing logical instruments to enquire the formal constitution of assorted different types of items in our international, as characterized by means of language and as systematised through philosophy. This quantity usually analyses the structural houses of collections or pluralities (with purposes to the philosophy of set theory), homogeneous gadgets like water, and the semantics and philosophy of occasions. This ebook thereby enhances algebraic paintings that has been performed on different philosophical entities, i.e. propositions, homes, kin, or occasions. positioned within the triangle of language, good judgment and philosophy, this quantity is exclusive in combining the assets of other ?elds in an interdisciplinary firm. half the fourteen chapters of this quantity are unique papers, complementing the gathering of the author's formerly released essays at the topic.
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Additional resources for Algebraic Semantics in Language and Philosophy
For some discussion of downward closure properties see, e. , Bunt 1979 and Hoepelman/Rohrer 1980. (33) (34) (35) (36) (37) (38) (39) (40) (41) a. A child built the raft. b. 3x (Px A Qx) a. Children built the raft. b. 3x (*Px A Qx) a. The child built the raft. b. 3y (y = ixPx A Qy) a. The children built the raft. b. 3y (y = cr*xPx A Qy) a. Every child saw the raft. b. Vx ( P x —» Qx) a. All the children built the raft. b. Vy ( y = a*xPx -» Qx) a. Tom and Dick carried the piano upstairs. b. P (a ® b) a.
B. Daddy gave his obnoxious kids all a lecture. 4 PLURAL Numerals and Other Plural Quantifiers There is a great variety of further plural quantifiers which all serve as some kind of measuring device for PNPs. , at least n, at most n; mathematical quantifiers like finitely many, infinitely many] and vague quantifiers like about n, few, many, most, a lot of. , Blau (1983), Barwise and Cooper (1981)). While their semantics is clear, quantified PNPs do not seem to be completely determined in their syntactic structure.
The animals died. So every animal died, *Q(a*xPx) => Vx (Px -> Qx) For non-distributive predicates we have, of course, no such result, witness carry: a® b might be in the extension of carry while a or b alone is not. Notice that these predicates enter formalizations unstarred. To illustrate, (31) a. b. The children gather around their teacher. , distributive predicates working on plural terms have to be starred, all the other predicates must not be. For distributivity seems to be a lexical feature.
Algebraic Semantics in Language and Philosophy by Godehard Link