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By Manfred Krifka, Austinlsaarbriicken

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Altenberg uses examples from other authors as well as examples extracted from real data. In the case of concession unrestricted, anyway is prosodically marked by a nucleus of a long tone group and it is positioned at the end of the clause. The scope of anyway in this case is the whole clause. This concession unrestricted anyway can be used as a preamble to a contradiction or argument. It is marked by a pause before it and it prefaces an explicitly-made hedge on the assertion that has just been uttered.

Finally, the notion of order of segments only applies to causal relations. The relations are basic if the antecedent is on the left; and nonbasic if the antecedent is on the right. The difference could be seen in, for example, foreground against background relations where the order of segments of the former is the reverse of the latter. (118) Jane went into the room. It was a bright Sunday afternoon. (119) It was a bright Sunday afternoon. Jane went into the room. In (118) we find a background relation.

The encoded meaning of discourse connectives of this type is not part of the communicated message. The communicated message is the result of the inferences triggered by these discourse connectives. The function of discourse connectives is to guarantee that the correct context is selected at minimal processing cost. Discourse connectives are valuable means of constraining the interpretation of utterances while complying with the principle of relevance. According to Blakemore [1992], there are three ways in which the information of an utterance can be relevant: it may help to derive a contextual implication; it may reinforce an existing assumption; or it may introduce conflict to an existing assumption.

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A Compositional Semantics for Multiple Focus by Manfred Krifka, Austinlsaarbriicken

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